Tumba de Eduardo, o Príncipe Negro

Tumba de Eduardo, o Príncipe Negro


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Epitáfio de Eduardo de Woodstock, Príncipe de Gales

O título de Eduardo, o Príncipe Negro, freqüentemente usado na história, não foi encontrado em evidência até o período Tudor e, portanto, seria errado usá-lo para avaliar seu caráter ou sua reputação. O raciocínio por trás de tal título é obscuro e permanecerá assim. Foi atribuído à sua armadura negra? Não, já que sua armadura não seria preta quando polida para a batalha. Foi um comentário posterior sobre seu temperamento autocrático, ou mesmo um exemplo de propaganda francesa presumida, pintando-o de negro como seu inimigo mais notável? Não há nenhuma evidência de qualquer um deles.

O epitáfio do túmulo do Príncipe & # 8217 na Catedral de Canterbury é notavelmente desprovido de arrogância ou orgulho autocrático, mas o retrata como um & # 8216caitiff & # 8217, um homem digno de desprezo. Não é uma composição original, mas foi baseada em uma tradução francesa anônima do século 13 do Clericalis Disciplina escrito em latim por Petrus Alphonsi que foi médico de Henrique I. No túmulo está escrito em francês, mas está aqui traduzido pelo antiquário J Weever em : Antigos monumentos funerários, 1631.

Quem assim és que passa,

Onde estão esses corpos sepultados:

Entenda o que direi

Como agora posso falar.

Tal como tu és, algum tempo fui eu,

Tal como eu sou, tal serás.

Eu pensei pouco na hora da morte

Contanto que eu apreciasse a respiração.

Grandes riquezas aqui eu possuí

Por isso fiz grande nobreza.

Eu tinha ouro, prata, guarda-roupas e

Grande tesouro, cavalos, casas, terras.

Mas agora um caitiff pobre sou eu

No fundo da terra, aqui estou eu

Minha beleza já se foi,

Minha carne está destruída até os ossos.

Minha casa é estreita agora e apinhada,

Nada além da verdade vem da minha língua:

E se você me ver neste dia

Eu não acho, mas você diria

Que eu nunca fui um homem

Tão alterado agora estou

Pelo amor de Deus, ore ao Rei celestial

Que ele a minha alma para o céu traria,

Todos aqueles que oram e fazem acordo

Para mim até meu Deus e Senhor:

Deus o colocou em seu paraíso,

Onde nenhum caitiff miserável jaz.

Aqui Eduardo, Príncipe de Gales, miserável caitiff, jaz para sempre, como um suplicante das orações humanas e da misericórdia divina.

A morte nos atinge a todos, até mesmo um magnífico príncipe Plantageneta.

The Shadow Queen foi publicado em 4 de maio de 2017.


Edward, o Príncipe Negro

Edward, o Príncipe Negro (Palácio de Woodstock, Oxfordshire, 15 de junho de 1330 - Palácio de Westminster, 8 de junho de 1376) era o filho mais velho do rei Eduardo III da Inglaterra.

Edward o Príncipe Negro
Nascer15 de junho de 1330
Faleceu8 de junho de 1376 (45 anos)
CônjugeJoana de Kent (m. 1361 - 1376)
PaiEdward III da Inglaterra

Edward nasceu no Woodstock Palace, perto de Oxford. Ele foi feito Príncipe de Gales em 1343, e seguiu seu pai na batalha contra a França. Ele se tornou um soldado famoso, ajudando a vencer a Batalha de Crécy e comandando a Batalha de Poitiers. Ele foi um membro fundador da Ordem da Jarreteira. Em 1361, ele se casou com sua prima, Joan of Kent. Eles tiveram dois filhos, Edward e Richard. O filho mais velho, Edward, morreu quando tinha apenas seis anos.

Eduardo de Woodstock ficou conhecido na história como "o Príncipe Negro", mas ninguém sabe ao certo o motivo do apelido. Ele morreu aos 45 anos e foi enterrado na Catedral de Canterbury. Como seu pai ainda estava vivo, ele nunca se tornou rei. Ele pediu a seu pai que desse o título de Príncipe de Gales a seu filho Ricardo, que mais tarde se tornou o Rei Ricardo II da Inglaterra. .


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Talvez ele tenha pensado que tinha alguma explicação a dar

Talvez o ato mais intimamente associado aos aspectos mais sombrios da vida de Edward tenha ocorrido durante a Guerra dos Cem Anos, diz a BBC. Eduardo fora nomeado Príncipe da Aquitânia em 1362. Um amigo de Eduardo o traiu ao dar as boas-vindas às tropas francesas na cidade de Limoges e defendê-la contra as tropas inglesas. Eduardo, ofendido, invadiu a cidade e o resultado foi um massacre. Moradores jovens e velhos, de qualquer posição na vida, imploravam por misericórdia. Edward ordenou um massacre. Quantas pessoas morreram? Depende de quem você acredita. Um cronista calculou o número em 3.000. Uma carta do próprio Edward, descoberta por volta de 2014, coloca os números em 100 soldados e 200 civis. Não era incomum na época que a guerra era tão brutal então como agora, e em alguns aspectos ainda mais. Quaisquer que sejam os números reais, o incidente em Limoges ainda foi uma tragédia dura e fria.

Ele nunca ascendeu ao trono da Inglaterra, morreu aos 46 anos, antes de seu pai, o rei. Há indícios de que, no final de sua vida, Eduardo tentou expiar pelo menos alguns de seus pecados. Tradicionalmente, a realeza inglesa era enterrada na Catedral de Westminster, mas Eduardo escolheu ser sepultado na Catedral de Canterbury, tradicionalmente um local, não de realeza, mas de penitência e peregrinação.


Dicionário de biografia nacional, 1885-1900 / Eduardo, o Príncipe Negro

EDWARD, Príncipe de Gales (1330–1376), chamado de Príncipe Negro, e às vezes Eduardo IV (Eulogium) e Eduardo de Woodstock (Baker), o filho mais velho de Eduardo III [q. v.] e a Rainha Philippa, nasceu em Woodstock em 15 de junho de 1330. Seu pai em 10 de setembro permitiu quinhentos marcos por ano dos lucros do condado de Chester para sua manutenção, e em 25 de fevereiro após a totalidade destes os lucros foram atribuídos à rainha para mantê-lo e à irmã do rei, Eleanor (Fœdera, ii. 798, 811). Em julho daquele ano, o rei propôs casá-lo com uma filha de Filipe VI da França (ib. p. 822). Em 18 de março de 1333 foi investido no condado e no condado de Chester, e no parlamento de 9 de fevereiro de 1337 foi nomeado duque da Cornualha e recebeu o ducado por carta de 17 de março. Este é o primeiro exemplo da criação de um duque na Inglaterra. Pelos termos da carta, o ducado deveria ser mantido por ele e pelos filhos mais velhos dos reis da Inglaterra (Courthope, p. 9). Seu tutor foi o Dr. Walter Burley [q. v.] do Merton College, Oxford. Suas receitas foram colocadas à disposição de sua mãe em março de 1334 para as despesas que ela incorreu ao criar ele e suas duas irmãs, Isabella e Joan (Fœdera, ii. 880). Rumores de uma invasão francesa iminente levaram o rei em agosto de 1335 a ordenar que ele e sua família se mudassem para o Castelo de Nottingham como um lugar seguro (ib. p. 919). Quando dois cardeais foram à Inglaterra no final de 1337 para fazer a paz entre o rei e Filipe, o duque da Cornualha teria se encontrado com eles fora da cidade de Londres, e em companhia de muitos nobres para conduzi-los ao rei (Holinshed). Em 11 de julho de 1338, seu pai, que estava a ponto de deixar a Inglaterra para a Flandres, nomeou-o guardião do reino durante sua ausência, e ele foi nomeado para o mesmo cargo em 27 de maio de 1340 e 6 de outubro de 1342 (Fœdera, ii. 1049, 1125, 1212), ele era obviamente muito jovem para assumir qualquer coisa, exceto uma parte nominal na administração, que era realizada pelo conselho. A fim de anexar João, duque de Brabante, à sua causa, o rei em 1339 propôs um casamento entre o jovem duque da Cornualha e a filha de João, Margarida, e na primavera de 1345 escreveu com urgência ao Papa Clemente VI pedindo uma dispensa para esse casamento (ib. ii. 1083, iii. 32, 35). Em 12 de maio de 1343, Eduardo criou o duque Príncipe de Gales, em um parlamento realizado em Westminster, investindo-o com um diadema, anel de ouro e haste de prata. O príncipe acompanhou seu pai a Sluys em 3 de julho de 1345, e Eduardo tentou persuadir os burgomestres de Ghent, Bruges e Ypres a aceitar seu filho como seu senhor, mas o assassinato de Van Artevelde pôs fim a esse projeto. Tanto em setembro como em abril seguinte, o príncipe foi chamado para fornecer tropas de seu principado e condado para a campanha iminente na França, e como ele contraiu pesadas dívidas no serviço do rei, seu pai o autorizou a fazer seu testamento, e desde que no caso de ele ter caído na guerra, seus executores deveriam receber todas as suas receitas por um ano (ib. iii. 84). Ele navegou com o rei em 11 de julho, e assim que desembarcou em La Hogue recebeu o título de cavaleiro de seu pai (ib.p. 90 carta de Eduardo III ao arcebispo de York, Revisão retrospectiva, eu. 119 Podridão. Parl. iii. 163 Chandos, l. 145). Então ele 'teve um bom começo', pois cavalgou através do Cotentin, queimando e devastando enquanto caminhava, e se distinguiu na tomada de Caen e no confronto com a força sob Godemar du Faÿ, que se esforçou para impedir os ingleses exército de cruzar o Somme pelo vau de Blanquetaque. Na madrugada de sábado, 26 de agosto, ele recebeu o sacramento com seu pai em Crécy e assumiu o comando da direita, ou van, do exército com os Condes de Warwick e Oxford, Geoffrey Harcourt, Chandos e outros líderes, e na cabeça, é dito, embora os números não sejam de forma alguma confiáveis, de oitocentos homens de armas, dois mil arqueiros e mil pés galeses. Quando os arqueiros genoveses ficaram confusos e a linha de frente dos franceses estava em alguma desordem, o príncipe parece ter abandonado sua posição para cair na segunda linha. Neste momento, porém, o conde de Alençon carregou sua divisão com tal fúria que ele estava em grande perigo, e os líderes que comandavam com ele enviaram um mensageiro para dizer a seu pai que ele estava em grande dificuldade e implorar por socorro. Quando Eduardo soube que seu filho estava ileso, ordenou ao mensageiro que voltasse e dissesse que não mandaria socorro, pois gostaria que o rapaz ganhasse suas esporas (o príncipe era, porém, já um cavaleiro), que o dia deveria ser dele, e que ele e aqueles que estavam encarregados dele tenham a honra disso. Diz-se que o príncipe foi jogado ao chão (Baker, p. 167) e resgatado por Richard de Beaumont, que carregava a bandeira de Gales, e que jogou a bandeira sobre o príncipe, trespassou seu corpo e repeliu seu assaltantes (Histoire des mayeurs d'Abbeville, p. 328). Harcourt então mandou pedir ajuda a Arundel e forçou a recuar os franceses, que provavelmente a essa altura já haviam avançado para o terreno ascendente da posição inglesa. Um ataque de flanco ao lado de Wadicourt foi feito em seguida pelos condes de Alençon e Ponthieu, mas os ingleses estavam fortemente entrincheirados ali, e os franceses não conseguiram penetrar nas defesas e perderam o duque de Lorraine e os condes de Alençon e Blois. As duas linhas de frente de seu exército foram totalmente rompidas antes que a divisão do rei Filipe se engajasse. Então Eduardo parece ter avançado à frente da reserva, e a derrota logo se tornou completa. Quando Eduardo conheceu seu filho após o fim da batalha, ele o abraçou e declarou que se portara lealmente, e o príncipe se curvou e fez reverência a seu pai. No dia seguinte, ele se juntou ao rei para prestar homenagens fúnebres ao rei da Boêmia (Barão Seymour de Constant, Bataille de Crécy, ed, 1846 Louandre, Histoire d'Abbeville Archæologia, xxviii. 171).

É comumente dito que o príncipe recebeu o nome de Príncipe Negro após a batalha de Crécy, e que ele foi chamado assim porque ele usou armadura preta na batalha. As primeiras notificações registradas da denominação parecem ser dadas por Leland (Coletânea, ed. Hearne, 1774, ii. 307) em um título do 'Itinerário' extraído de 'Eulogium.' O 'Príncipe Negro', entretanto, não está no 'Eulogium' da Série Rolls, exceto nas notas marginais do editor. Leland (ib, pp. 471-99) repete a denominação nas citações 'owte of a booke ot chroniques in Peter College Library'. Este 'booke' é uma transcrição de uma cópia do 'Chronile' de Caxton, com a continuação de fr. John Warkworth, mestre do colégio, 1473-98 (editado por Halliwell para a Camden Society, e também impresso em texto modernizado em 'Chron. Of the White Rose,' pp. 101 sq.) O manuscrito tem o autógrafo de Warkworth, ' monitum ”, mas, ao ser examinado, não se constatou que continha as palavras“ Príncipe Negro ”. Outros primeiros escritores que deram a Edward seu conhecido título são: Grafton (1563), que escreve (Crônica, p. 324, impresso em 1569), 'Edward, príncipe de Gales, que era chamado de príncipe negro' Holinshed (iii. 348, b. 20) Shakespeare, 'Henry V,' II. 4. 56 e em velocidade. Barnes, 'History of Edward III' (1688), p. 363, diz: 'A partir dessa época os franceses começaram a chamá-lo de Le Neoir ou o Príncipe Negro', e dá uma referência que implica que a denominação se encontra em um registro de 2 Ricardo II, mas sua referência não parece suficientemente clara para admitir verificação. O nome não ocorre no "Eulogium", no "Chronicle" de Geoffrey le Baker, no "Chronicon Angliæ", no "Polychronicon" de Higden ou de Trevisa, ou no "Chronile" de Caxton (1482), nem é usado por Jehan le Bel ou Froissart. Jehan de Wavrin (d.1474?), Que expõe uma profecia de Merlin como aplicável ao príncipe, diz que ele foi chamado de 'Pie-de-Plomb' (Croniques d'Engleterre t. eu. eu. ii. c. 56, Rolls ed. eu. 236). Louandre (Hist. d'Abbeville, p. 230) afirma que antes da batalha Eduardo vestiu seu filho com armadura preta, e parece que o príncipe usou preto em seus brasões heráldicos (Nichols, Testamentos reais, p. 66). É evidente a partir dos avisos dos historiadores do século XVI que quando eles escreveram o nome era tradicional (o assunto é discutido no 'New English Dictionary' do Dr. Murray, art. 'Black Prince', pt. Iii. Col. Ii. p. 895 compare o 'Antiquary,' vol. xvii. No. 100, p. 183). Quanto à história de que o príncipe tirou o brasão de três penas de avestruz e o lema 'Ich dien' do rei da Boêmia, que foi morto na batalha de Crécy, pode-se notar, primeiro, quanto às penas de avestruz, que no manuscrito de John Arderne [q. v.] 'Medica', escrito por William Seton (Sloane MS. 56, f. 74, século 14), é uma pena de avestruz usada como marca de referência a uma página anterior, na qual ocorre o mesmo dispositivo, 'ubi depingitur penna principis Walliæ,' com a observação: 'Et nota quod talem pennam albam portabat Edwardus , primogenitus E. regis Angliæ, super cristam suam, et illam pennam conquisivit de Rege Boemiæ, quem interfecit apud Cresy in francia '(ver também J. de Arderne,' Miscellanea medica et chirurgica, 'em Sloane MS. 335, f. 68, 14º cent. mas não, como afirmado em Observações e consultas, 2º ser. XI. 293, em Arderne's 'Practice,' Sloane MS. 76, f. 61, escrito em inglês séc. XV.) Embora a referência e a observação em Sloane MS. 56 pode ser por Seton e não por Arderne, o médico do príncipe, é evidente que provavelmente antes da morte do príncipe a pena de avestruz foi reconhecida como sua insígnia peculiar, assumida após a batalha de Crécy. Enquanto o brasão de João da Boêmia eram as asas inteiras de um abutre "salpicadas de folhas de tília de ouro" (poema no Barante do Barão Reiffenburg, Ducs de Bourgogne Olivier de Vrée, Généalogie des Comtes de Flandre, pp. 65-7), o avestruz parece ter sido o emblema de sua casa, foi carregado pela Rainha Ana da Boêmia, bem como por seu irmão Wenzel, e está em sua efígie em seu túmulo (Archæologia, xxix, 32-59). O emblema de pena ocorre como duas penas em quatro selos do príncipe (ib. xxxi. 361), e como três penas nos escudos alternados colocados em sua tumba de acordo com as instruções de seu testamento O príncipe em seu testamento diz que as penas eram 'para a paz', ou seja, para justas e torneios, e as chama de seu emblema, não sua crista. Embora a pena de avestruz fosse seu emblema especial, foi colocada em algum prato pertencente a sua mãe, foi usada na forma de uma ou mais penas por vários membros da casa real e, por concessão de Ricardo II, por Thomas Mowbray, duque de Norfolk (ib. 354-79). A história do príncipe ganhando as penas foi publicada, provavelmente pela primeira vez, por Camden em seu 'Remaines'. Em sua primeira edição (1605), ele afirma que foi 'na batalha de Poictiers', p. 161, mas corrige isso em sua próxima edição (1614), p. 214. Em segundo lugar, quanto ao lema, parece que o príncipe usou dois lemas, 'Houmout' e 'Ich dien', ambos anexados como assinatura a uma carta sob seu selo privado (Archæologia, xxxi. 381). Em seu testamento, ele ordenou que 'Houmout' fosse escrito em cada um dos escudos ao redor de sua tumba. Mas, na verdade, ocorre apenas sobre os escudos portando seus braços, enquanto sobre os escudos alternativos com seu distintivo, e também no escroll sobre a pena de cada pena, estão as palavras 'ich diene' (sic) 'Houmout' é interpretado como significando alto astral ou coragem (ib. xxxii. 69). Nenhuma tradição antiga conecta 'Ich dien' com João da Boêmia. Como 'Houmout', é provavelmente o antigo flamengo ou baixo alemão. Camden em seu 'Remaines' (na passagem citada acima) diz que é o inglês antigo, 'Ic dien', que é 'Eu sirvo', e que o príncipe 'adjoyned' o lema para as penas, e ele o conecta, sem dúvida com razão, com a posição do príncipe como herdeiro, referindo-se ao Ep. a Gálatas, iv. 1

O príncipe esteve presente no cerco de Calais e, após a rendição da cidade, atormentou e incendiou o país por trinta milhas ao redor, e trouxe consigo muito butim (Knighton, c. 2595). Ele voltou para a Inglaterra com seu pai em 12 de outubro de 1347, participou das justas e outras festividades da corte e foi investido pelo rei com a nova ordem da Jarreteira. Ele participou da expedição cavalheiresca do rei a Calais nos últimos dias de 1349, veio em socorro de seu pai e, quando o combate acabou e o rei e seus prisioneiros se sentaram para festejar, ele e os outros cavaleiros ingleses serviram ao rei e seus convidados no primeiro prato e, em seguida, sentou-se para comer em outra mesa (Froissart, iv. 82). Quando o rei embarcou em Winchelsea em 28 de agosto de 1350 para interceptar a frota de La Cerda, o príncipe navegou com ele, embora em outro navio, e na companhia de seu irmão, o jovem conde de Richmond (John de Gaunt). Seu navio foi agarrado por um grande navio espanhol e estava tão cheio de vazamentos que era provável que afundasse e, embora ele e seus cavaleiros atacassem o inimigo virilmente, não foram capazes de capturá-lo. O conde de Lancaster veio em seu socorro e atacou o espanhol do outro lado, ela foi logo capturada, sua tripulação foi lançada ao mar, e quando o príncipe e seus homens subiram a bordo, seu próprio navio naufragou (ib. p. 95 Nicolas, Royal Navy, ii. 112). Em 1353, alguns distúrbios parecem ter irrompido em Cheshire, pois o príncipe como conde marchou com o duque de Lancaster para a vizinhança de Chester para proteger os juízes, que estavam segurando um julgamento lá. Os homens do condado ofereceram pagar-lhe uma pesada multa para encerrar o julgamento, mas quando pensaram que haviam acertado as coisas, os juízes abriram uma inquisição de trailbaston, tiraram deles uma grande soma de dinheiro e confiscaram muitas casas e muita terra nas mãos do príncipe, de seu conde. Em seu retorno de Chester, o príncipe disse ter passado pela abadia de Dieulacres em Staffordshire, ter visto uma igreja nobre que seu avô, Eduardo I, havia construído lá, e ter concedido quinhentos marcos, um décimo da quantia ele havia tirado de seu condado, para sua conclusão a abadia quase certamente não era Dieulacres, mas Vale Royal (Knighton, c. 2606 Monasticon, v. 626, 704 Barnes, p. 468).

Quando Eduardo determinou renovar a guerra com a França em 1355, ele ordenou ao príncipe que liderasse um exército na Aquitânia enquanto ele, conforme seu plano, agia com o rei de Navarra na Normandia, e o duque de Lancaster defendia a causa de Montfort em Brittany. A expedição do príncipe foi feita de acordo com o pedido de alguns dos senhores Gascon que estavam ansiosos por saque. Em 10 de julho, o rei o nomeou seu lugar-tenente na Gasconha e deu-lhe poderes para agir em seu lugar e, em 4 de agosto, receber homenagens (Fœdera, iii. 302, 312). Ele deixou Londres para Plymouth em 30 de junho, foi detido lá por ventos contrários e partiu em 8 de setembro com cerca de trezentos navios, na companhia dos Condes de Warwick, Suffolk, Salisbury e Oxford, e no comando de mil homens de armas, dois mil arqueiros e um grande corpo de pé galês (Avesbury, p. 201). Em Bordéus, os senhores Gascon o receberam com grande alegria. Decidiu-se fazer uma curta campanha antes do inverno e, em 10 de outubro, ele partiu com mil e quinhentas lanças, dois mil arqueiros e três mil pés leves. Qualquer que seja o esquema de operações que o rei possa ter formado durante o verão, esta expedição do príncipe foi puramente uma peça de saqueio. Depois de atormentar gravemente os condados de Juliac, Armagnac, Astarac e parte de Comminges, ele cruzou o Garonne em Ste.-Marie um pouco acima de Toulouse, que foi ocupado pelo conde de Armagnac e uma força considerável. O conde se recusou a permitir que a guarnição fizesse uma investida, e o príncipe passou adiante, invadiu e incendiou Mont Giscar, onde muitos homens, mulheres e crianças foram maltratados e mortos (Froissart, iv. 163, 373), e tomou e saquearam Avignonet e Castelnaudary. Todo o país era rico, e o povo 'bom, simples e ignorante de guerra', então o príncipe tomou grande despojo, especialmente de tapetes, cortinas e joias, pois 'os ladrões' não pouparam nada, e os Gascões que marcharam com ele eram especialmente gananciosos (Jehan le Bel, ii. 188 Froissart, iv. 165). Carcassonne foi tomada e saqueada, mas ele não tomou a cidadela, que era fortemente situada e fortificada. Ourmes (ou Homps, perto de Narbonne) e Trébes subornaram seu exército. Ele saqueou Narbonne e pensou em atacar a cidadela, pois soube que havia muito saque ali, mas desistiu ao descobrir que estava bem defendida. Enquanto ele estava lá, um mensageiro da corte papal veio até ele, instando-o a permitir negociações de paz. Ele respondeu que nada poderia fazer sem conhecer a vontade de seu pai (Avesbury, p. 215). De Narbonne, ele voltou a marchar para Bordéus. O conde de Armagnac tentou interceptá-lo, mas um pequeno corpo de franceses tendo sido derrotado em uma escaramuça perto de Toulouse, o resto do exército recuou para a cidade, e o príncipe voltou em paz para Bordeaux, trazendo com ele enormes despojos. A expedição durou oito semanas, durante as quais o príncipe só descansou onze dias em todos os lugares que visitou, e sem realizar qualquer façanha de armas causou muitos danos ao rei francês (carta de Sir John Wingfield, Avesbury, p. 222). Durante o mês seguinte, antes de 21 de janeiro de 1356, os líderes sob seu comando reduziram cinco cidades e dezessete castelos (outra carta de Sir J. Wingfield, ib. p. 224).

Em 6 de julho, o príncipe partiu para outra expedição, empreendida com a intenção de passar pela França até a Normandia, e ali dar ajuda aos aliados normandos de seu pai, o grupo chefiado pelo rei de Navarra e Geoffrey Harcourt. Na Normandia ele esperava, diz ele, ser recebido por seu pai (carta do príncipe datada de 20 de outubro, Archæologia, eu. 212 Froissart, iv. 196). Ele cruzou a Dordonha em Bergerac em 4 de agosto (para o itinerário desta expedição, consulte Eulogium, iii. 215 sq.), E cavalgou através de Auvergne, Limousin e Berry, saqueando e queimando enquanto caminhava até chegar a Bourges, onde queimou os subúrbios, mas não conseguiu tomar a cidade. Ele então se virou para o oeste e fez um ataque malsucedido a Issoudun, de 25 a 7 de agosto. Enquanto isso, o rei João estava reunindo uma grande força em Chartres, de onde ele foi capaz de defender as passagens do Loire, e estava enviando tropas para as fortalezas que pareciam em perigo de ataque. De Issoudun, o príncipe voltou à sua antiga linha de marcha e tomou Vierzon. Lá ele aprendeu que seria impossível para ele cruzar o Loire ou formar uma junção com Lancaster, que estava então na Bretanha. Assim, decidiu regressar a Bordéus por meio de Poitiers e, depois de condenar à morte a maior parte da guarnição do castelo de Vierzon, partiu no dia 29 para Romorantin. Alguns cavaleiros franceses que lutaram com sua guarda avançada retiraram-se para aquele lugar e, quando ouviu isso, disse: 'Vamos lá, gostaria de vê-los um pouco mais perto.' Ele inspecionou a fortaleza pessoalmente e enviou seu amigo Chandos para convocar a guarnição à rendição. O local foi defendido por Boucicault e outros líderes e, ao recusar sua convocação, ele o atacou no dia 31. O cerco durou três dias, e o príncipe, que ficou furioso com a morte de um de seus amigos, declarou que não deixaria o local abandonado. Finalmente, ele ateou fogo aos telhados da fortaleza usando fogo grego, reduziu-o em 3 de setembro e no dia 5 prosseguiu em sua marcha por Berry. No dia 9, o rei João, que agora reunia uma grande tropa, cruzou o Loire em Blois e foi em sua perseguição. Quando o rei estava em Loches no dia 12, ele tinha até vinte mil homens de armas, e com eles e suas outras forças ele avançou para Chauvigny. Nos dias 16 e 17, seu exército cruzou o Vienne. Enquanto isso, o príncipe marchava quase paralelo aos franceses e a apenas alguns quilômetros de distância deles. É impossível acreditar na afirmação de Froissart de que ele ignorava os movimentos dos franceses. De 14 a 16 ele esteve em Châtelherault, e no dia seguinte, sábado, enquanto marchava em direção a Poitiers, alguns homens de armas franceses escaramuçaram com sua guarda avançada, perseguindo-os até o corpo principal de seu exército, e foram todos mortos ou feitos prisioneiros. O rei francês o ultrapassou, e sua retirada foi interrompida por um exército de pelo menos cinquenta mil homens, enquanto ele não tinha, dizem, mais do que cerca de dois mil homens de armas, quatro mil arqueiros e mil e quinhentos luz pé. Lancaster se esforçou para vir em seu socorro, mas foi impedido pelos franceses em Pont-de-Cé (Chronique de Bertrand du Guesclin, p. 7). Quando o príncipe soube que o exército francês estava entre ele e Poitiers, ele assumiu sua posição em algum terreno ascendente a sudeste da cidade, entre a margem direita do Miausson e a antiga estrada romana, provavelmente em um local agora chamada La Cardinerie, uma fazenda na comuna de Beauvoir, porque o nome Maupertuis há muito saiu de uso e permaneceu lá naquela noite. No dia seguinte, domingo, 18, a cardeal Hélie Talleyrand, chamada 'de Périgord', obteve licença de João para se empenhar em fazer as pazes. O príncipe estava disposto a chegar a um acordo e ofereceu desistir de todas as cidades e castelos que havia conquistado, para libertar todos os seus prisioneiros, e não servir contra o rei da França por sete anos, além disso, é dito, oferecendo um pagamento de cem mil francos. O rei João, no entanto, foi persuadido a exigir que o príncipe e uma centena de seus cavaleiros se rendessem como prisioneiros, e com isso ele não consentiu. As negociações do cardeal duraram o dia inteiro e foram prolongadas no interesse dos franceses, pois João estava ansioso por dar tempo para novos reforços para se juntar ao exército. Considerando a posição em que o príncipe estava, parece provável que os franceses possam ter destruído seu pequeno exército simplesmente cercando-o com uma parte de seu exército e, assim, deixando-o de fome ou forçando-o a deixar sua posição forte e lutar em o aberto com a certeza da derrota. De qualquer forma, João cometeu um erro fatal ao permitir ao príncipe o descanso do domingo, pois enquanto as negociações avançavam ele empregou seu exército para fortalecer sua posição. A frente inglesa era bem coberta por vinhas e sebes; à sua esquerda e atrás ficava o desfiladeiro do Miausson e uma boa parte do terreno acidentado, e a sua direita era flanqueada pelo bosque e a abadia de Nouaillé. Durante todo o dia, o exército esteve ocupado em cavar trincheiras e fazer cercas, de modo que ficou, como em Crécy, em uma espécie de acampamento entrincheirado (Froissart, v. 29 Matt. Villani, vii. C. 16). O príncipe reuniu seus homens em três divisões, a primeira comandada por Warwick e Suffolk, a segunda por ele mesmo e a retaguarda por Salisbury e Oxford. Os franceses foram divididos em quatro divisões, uma atrás da outra, e assim perderam grande parte da vantagem de seu número superior. Na frente de sua primeira linha e em ambos os lados da estreita via que levava a sua posição, o príncipe posicionou seus arqueiros, que estavam bem protegidos por sebes, e postaram uma espécie de emboscada de trezentos homens de armas e trezentos montados arqueiros, que deveriam cair no flanco da segunda batalha do inimigo, comandada pelo duque da Normandia. Ao amanhecer do dia 19, o príncipe dirigiu-se ao seu pequeno exército e a luta começou. Uma tentativa foi feita por trezentos homens de armas escolhidos para cavalgar pela via estreita e forçar a posição inglesa, mas eles foram abatidos pelos arqueiros. Um corpo de alemães e a primeira divisão do exército que se seguiu foram colocados em desordem, então as forças inglesas em emboscada atacaram a segunda divisão no flanco, e quando ela começou a vacilar, os homens de armas ingleses montaram em seus cavalos, que eles mantiveram-se perto deles e dispararam colina abaixo. O príncipe manteve Chandos ao seu lado e seu amigo prestou-lhe um bom serviço na briga [ver Chandos, Sir John]. Enquanto se preparavam para atacar, ele gritou: 'John, avance, você não me verá virar as costas hoje, mas estarei sempre com os primeiros', e então gritou para seu porta-estandarte: 'Bandeira, avance, em o nome de Deus e de São Jorge! ' Todos os franceses, exceto a guarda avançada, lutaram a pé, e a divisão do duque da Normandia, já vacilante, não pôde resistir ao ataque inglês e fugiu em desordem. A próxima divisão, sob o duque de Orleans, também fugiu, embora não tão vergonhosamente, mas a retaguarda, sob o rei em pessoa, lutou com muita bravura. O príncipe, 'que tinha a coragem de um leão, sentiu grande deleite naquele dia na luta'. O combate durou até pouco depois das 15 horas, e os franceses, que foram totalmente derrotados, deixaram onze mil mortos no campo, dos quais 2.426 eram homens de origem gentil. Quase cem condes, barões, estandartes e dois mil homens de armas, além de muitos outros, foram feitos prisioneiros, e o rei e seu filho mais novo, Filipe, estavam entre os que foram levados. A perda inglesa não foi grande. Quando o rei foi trazido a ele, o príncipe o recebeu com respeito, ajudou-o a tirar a armadura e o divertiu, bem como à maior parte dos príncipes e barões que haviam sido feitos prisioneiros durante a ceia. Ele serviu à mesa do rei e não se sentou com ele, declarando que 'ele não era digno de se sentar à mesa com um rei tão grande ou um homem tão valente', e falando muitas palavras confortáveis ​​para ele, pelas quais os franceses elogiaram ele altamente (Froissart, v. 64, 288). No dia seguinte, o príncipe continuou sua retirada em Bordéus, ele marchou com cautela, mas ninguém se aventurou a atacá-lo. At Bordeaux, which he reached on 2 Oct., he was received with much rejoicing, and he and his men tarried there through the winter and wasted in festivities the immense spoil they had gathered. On 23 March 1357 he concluded a two years' truce, for he wished to return home. The Gascon lords were unwilling that the king should be carried off to England, and he gave them a hundred thousand crowns to silence their murmurs. He left the country under the government of four Gascon lords and arrived in England on 4 May, after a voyage of eleven days, landing at Plymouth ( Knighton , c. 2615 Eulogium, iii. 227 Walsingham , i. 283 Fœdera, iii. 348, not at Sandwich as Froissart , v. 82). When he entered London in triumph on the 24th, the king, his prisoner, rode a fine white charger, while he was mounted on a little black hackney. Judged by modern ideas the prince's show of humility appears affected, and the Florentine chronicler remarks that the honour done to King John must have increased the misery of the captive and magnified the glory of King Edward but this comment argues a refinement of feeling which neither Englishmen nor Frenchmen of that day had probably attained ( Matt. Villani , vii. c. 66).

After his return to England the prince took part in the many festivals and tournaments of his father's court, and in May 1359 he and the king and other challengers held the lists at a joust proclaimed at London by the mayor and sheriff's, and, to the great delight of the citizens, the king appeared as the mayor and the prince as the senior sheriff ( Barnes , p. 564). Festivities of this sort and the lavish gifts he bestowed on his friends brought him into debt, and on 27 Aug., when a new expedition into France was being prepared, the king granted that if he fell his executors should have his whole estate for four years for the payment of his debts (Fœdera, iii, 445). In October he sailed with the king to Calais, and led a division of the army during the campaign that followed [see under Edward III ]. At its close he took the principal part on the English side in negotiating the treaty of Bretigny, and the preliminary truce arranged at Chartres on 7 May 1360 was drawn up by proctors acting in his name and the name of the regent of France (ib. iii. 486 Chandos , l. 1539). He probably did not return to England until after his father ( James , ii. 223 n.), who landed at Rye on ​ 18 May. On 9 July he and Henry, duke of Lancaster, landed at Calais in attendance on the French king. As, however, the stipulated instalment of the king's ransom was not ready, he returned to England, leaving John in charge of Sir Walter Manny and three other knights ( Froissart , vi. 24). He accompanied his father to Calais on 9 Oct. to assist at the liberation of King John and the ratification of the treaty, rode with John to Boulogne, where he made his offering in the Church of the Virgin, and returned with his father to England at the beginning of November. On 10 Oct. 1361 the prince, who was then in his thirty-first year, married his cousin Joan, countess of Kent, daughter of Edmund of Woodstock, earl of Kent, younger son of Edward I, by Margaret, daughter of Philip III of France, and widow of Thomas lord Holland, and in right of his wife earl of Kent, then in her thirty-third year, and the mother of three children. As the prince and the countess were related in the third degree, and also by the spiritual tie of sponsorship, the prince being godfather to Joan's elder son Thomas, a dispensation was obtained for their marriage from Innocent VI, though they appear to have been contracted before it was applied for (Fœdera, iii. 626). The marriage was performed at Windsor, in the presence of the king, by Simon, archbishop of Canterbury. It is said that the marriage — that is, no doubt, the contract of marriage — was entered into without the knowledge of the king ( Froissart , vi. 275, Amiens). The prince and his wife resided at Berkhampstead in Hertfordshire. On 19 July 1362 the king granted him all his dominions in Aquitaine and Gascony, to be held as a principality by liege homage on payment of an ounce of gold each year, together with the title of Prince of Aquitaine and Gascony (Fœdera, iii. 667). During the rest of the year he was occupied in preparing for his departure to his new principality, and after Christmas he received the king and his court at Berkhampstead, took leave of his father and mother, and in the following February sailed with his wife and all his household for Gascony, and landed at Rochelle. There he was met by Chandos, the king's lieutenant, and proceeded with him to Poitiers, where he received the homage of the lords of Poitou and Saintonge he then rode to various cities and at last came to Bordeaux, where from 9 to 30 July he received the homage of the lords of Gascony. He received all graciously, and kept a splendid court, residing sometimes at Bordeaux and sometimes at Angoulême. He appointed Chandos constable of Guyenne, and provided the knights of his household with profitable offices. They kept much state, and their extravagance displeased the people( Froissart , vi. 82). Many of the Gascon lords were dissatisfied at being handed over to the dominion of the English, and the favour the prince showed to his own countrymen, and the ostentatious magnificence they exhibited, increased this feeling of dissatisfaction. The lord of Albret and many more were always ready to give what help they could to the French cause, and the Count of Foix, though he visited the prince on his first arrival, was thoroughly French at heart, and gave some trouble in 1365 by refusing to do homage for Bearn (Fœdera, iii. 779). Charles V, who succeeded to the throne of France in April 1364, was careful to encourage the malcontents, and the prince's position was by no means easy. In April 1363 the prince mediated between the Counts of Foix and Armagnac, who had for a long time been at war with each other. He also attempted in the following February to mediate between Charles of Blois and John of Montfort, the rival competitors for the duchy of Brittany. Both appeared before him at Poitiers, but his mediation was unsuccessful. The next month he entertained the king of Cyprus at Angoulême, and held a tournament there. At the same time he and his lords excused themselves from assuming the cross. During the summer the lord of Albret was at Paris, and his forces and several other Gascon lords held the French cause in Normandy against the party of Navarre. Meanwhile war was renewed in Brittany the prince allowed Chandos to raise and lead a force to succour the party of Montfort, and Chandos won the battle of Auray against the French.

As the leaders of the free companies which desolated France were for the most part Englishmen or Gascons, they did not ravage Aquitaine, and the prince was suspected, probably not without cause, of encouraging, or at least of taking no pains to discourage, their proceedings ( Froissart , vi. 183). Accordingly on 14 Nov. 1364 Edward called upon him to restrain their ravages (Fœdera, iii. 754). In 1365 these companies, under Sir Hugh Calveley [q. v.] and other leaders, took service with Du Guesclin, who employed them in 1366 in compelling Peter of Castile to flee from his kingdom, and in setting up his bastard brother, Henry of Trastamare, as king in his stead. Peter, who was in alliance with King Edward, sent messengers to the prince asking his help, and on receiving a gracious answer at Corunna, set out at once, and arrived at Bayonne with his son and his three daughters. The prince met him at Cap Breton, and rode with him to Bordeaux. Many ​ of his lords, both English and Gascon, were unwilling that he should espouse Peter's cause, but he declared that it was not fitting that a bastard should inherit a kingdom, or drive out his lawfully born brother, and that no king or king's son ought to suffer such a despite to royalty nor could any turn him from his determmation to restore the king. Peter won friends by declaring that he would make Edward's son king of Galicia, and would divide his riches among those who helped him. A parliament was held at Bordeaux, in which it was decided to ask the wishes of the English king. Edward replied that it was right that his son should help Peter, and the prince held another parliament at which the king's letter was read. Then the lords agreed to give their help, provided that their pay was secured to them. In order to give them the required security, the prince agreed to lend Peter whatever money was necessary. He and Peter then held a conference with Charles of Navarre at Bayonne, and agreed with him to allow their troops to pass through his dominions. In order to persuade him to do this, Peter had, besides other grants, to pay him 56,000 florins, and this sum was lent him by the prince. On 23 Sept. a series of agreements were entered into between the prince, Peter, and Charles of Navarre, at Libourne, on the Dordogne, by which Peter covenanted to put the prince in possession of the province of Biscay and the territory and fortress of Castro de Urdialès as pledges for the repayment of this debt, to pay 550,000 florins for six months' wages at specified dates, 250,000 florins being the prince's wages, and 800,000 florins the wages of the lords who were to serve in the expedition. He consented to leave his three daughters in the prince's hands as hostages for the fulfilment of these terms, and further agreed that whenever the king, the prince, or their heirs, the king of England, should march in person against the Moors, they should have the command of the van before all other christian kings, and that if they were not present the banner of the king of England should be carried in the van side by side with the banner of Castile (ib. iii. 799-807). The prince received a hundred thousand francs from his father out of the ransom of the late king of France (ib. p. 787), and broke up his plate to help to pay the soldiers he was taking into his pay. While his army was assembling he remained at Angoulême, and was there visited by Peter ( Ayala Chandos ). He then stayed over Christmas at Bordeaux, for his wife was there brought to bed of her second son Richard. He left Bordeaux early in February, and joined his army at Dax, where he remained three days, and received a reinforcement of four hundred men-at-arms and four hundred archers sent out by his father under his brother John, duke of Lancaster. From Dax he advanced by St. Jean-Pied-de-Port through Roncesvalles to Pamplona. When Calveley and other English and Gascon leaders of free companies found that he was about to fight for Peter, they threw up the service of Henry of Trastamare, and joined him 'because he was their natural lord' ( Ayala , xviii. 2). While he was at Pamplona he received a letter of defiance from Henry ( Froissart , vii. 10). From Pamplona he marched by Arruiz to Salvatierra, which opened its gates to his army, and thence advanced to Vittoria, intending to march on Burgos by this direct route. A body of his knights, which he had sent out to reconnoitre under Sir William Felton, was defeated by a skirmishing party, and he found that Henry had occupied some strong positions, and especially St. Domingo de la Calzada on the right of the Ebro, and Zaldiaran on the left, which made it impossible for him to reach Burgos through Alava. Accordingly he crossed the Ebro, and encamped under the walls of Logroño. During these movements his army had suffered from want of provisions both for men and horses, and from wet and windy weather. At Logroño, however, though provisions were still scarce, they were somewhat better off, and there on 30 March the prince wrote an answer to Henry's letter. On 2 April he quitted Logroño and moved to Navarrete de Rioja. Meanwhile Henry and his French allies had encamped at Nájara, so that the two armies were now near each other. Letters passed between Henry and the prince, for Henry seems to have been anxious to make terms. He declared that Peter was a tyrant, and had shed much innocent blood, to which the prince replied that the king had told him that all the persons he had slain were traitors. The next morning the prince's army marched from Navarrete, and all dismounted while they were yet some distance from Henry's army. The van, in which were three thousand men-at-arms, both English and Bretons, was led by Lancaster, Chandos, Calveley, and Clisson the right division was commanded by Armagnac and other Gascon lords the left, in which some German mercenaries marched with the Gascons, by the Captal de Buch and the Count of Foix and the rear or main battle by the prince, with three thousand lances, and with the prince was Peter and, a little on his right, the dethroned king of Majorca and his company the numbers, however, are scarcely to be depended ​ on. Before the battle began the prince prayed aloud to God that as he had come that day to uphold the right and reinstate a disinherited king, God would grant him success. Then, after telling Peter that he should know that day whether he should have his kingdom or not, he cried: 'Advance, banner, in the name of God and St. George and God defend our right.' The knights of Castile pressed his van sorely, but the wings of Henry's army behaved ill, and would not move, so that the Gascon lords were able to attack the main body on the flanks. Then the prince brought the main body of his army into action, and the fight became hot, for he had under him 'the flower of chivalry, and the most famous warriors in the whole world.' At length Henry's van gave way, and he fled from the field ( Ayala , xviii. c. 23 Friossart , vii. 37 Chandos , 1. 3107 sq. Du Guesclin , p. 49). When the battle was over the prince besought Peter to spare the lives of those who had offended him. Peter assented, with the exception of one notorious traitor, whom he at once put to death, and he also had two others slain the next day. Among the prisoners was the French marshal Audeneham, whom the prince had formerly taken prisoner at Poitiers, and whom he had released on his giving his word that he would not bear arms against him until his ransom was paid. When the prince saw him he reproached him bitterly, and called him 'liar and traitor.' Audeneham denied that he was either, and the prince asked him whether he would submit to the judgment of a body of knights. To this Audeneham agreed, and after he had dined the prince chose twelve knights, four English, four Gascons, and four Bretons, to judge between himself and the marshal. After he had stated his case, Audeneham replied that he had not broken his word, for the army the prince led was not his own he was merely in the pay of Peter. The knights considered that this view of the prince's position was sound, and gave their verdict for Audeneham ( Ayala ).

On 5 April the prince and Peter marched to Burgos, and there kept Easter. The prince, however, did not take up his quarters in the city, but camped outside the walls at the monastery of Las Helgas. Peter did not pay him any of the money he owed him, and he could get nothing from him except a solemn renewal of his bond of the previous 23 Sept., which he made on 2 May before the high altar of the cathedral of Burgos (Fœdera, iii. 825). By this time the prince began to suspect his ally of treachery. Peter had no intention of paying his debts, and when the prince demanded possession of Biscay told him that the Biscayans would not consent to be handed over to him. In order to get rid of his creditor he told him that he could not get money at Burgos, and persuaded the prince to take up his quarters at Valladolid while he went to Seville, whence he declared he would send the money he owed. The prince remained at Valladolid during some very hot weather, waiting in vain for his money. His army sufiered so terribly from dysentery and other diseases that it is said that scarcely one Englishman out of five ever saw England again ( Knighton , c. 2629). He was himself seized with a sickness from which he never thoroughly recovered, and which some said was caused by poison ( Walsingham , i. 305). Food and drink were scarce, and the free companies in his pay did much mischief to the surrounding country ( Chandos , 1. 3670 sq.) Meanwhile Henry of Trastamare made war upon Aquitaine, took Bagnères and wasted the country. Fearing that Charles of Navarre would not allow him to return through his dominions, the prince negotiated with the king of Aragon for a passage for his troops. The king made a treaty with him, ana when Charles of Navarre heard of it he agreed to allow the prince, the Duke of Lancaster, and some of their lords to pass through his country so they returned through Roncesvalles, and reached Bordeaux early in September. Some time after he had returned the companies, some six thousand strong, also reached Aquitaine, having passed through Aragon. As they had not received the whole of the money the prince had agreed to pay them, they took up their quarters in his country and began to do much mischief. He persuaded the captains to leave Aquitaine, and the companies under their command crossed the Loire and did much damage to France. This greatly angered Charles V, who about this time did the prince serious mischief by encouraging disaffection among the Gascon lords. When the prince was gathering his army for his Spanish expedition, the lord of Albret agreed to serve with a thousand lances. Considering, however, that he had at least as many men as he could find provisions for, the prince on 8 Dec. 1366 wrote to him requesting that he would bring two hundred lances only. The lord of Albret was much incensed at this, and, though peace was made by his uncle the Count of Armagnac, did not forget the offence, and Froissart speaks of it as the 'first cause of hatred between him and the prince.' A more powerful cause of this lord's discontent was the non-payment of an annual pension which had been granted him by Edward. About this time he agreed to marry ​ Margaret of Bourbon, sister of the queen of France. The prince was much vexed at this, and, his temper probably being soured by sickness and disappointment, behaved with rudeness to both D'Albret and his intended bride. On the other hand, Charles offered the lord the pension which he had lost, and thus drew him and his uncle, the Count of Armagnac, altogether over to the French side. The immense cost of the late campaign and his constant extravagance had brought the prince into difficulties, and as soon as he returned to Bordeaux he called an assembly of the estates of Aquitaine to meet at St. Emilion in order to obtain a grant from them. It seems as though no business was done then, for in January 1368 he held a meeting of the estates at Angoulême, and there prevailed on them to allow him a fouage, or hearth-tax, of ten sous for five years. An edict for this tax was published on 25 Jan. The chancellor, John Harewell, held a conference at Niort, at which he persuaded the barons of Poitou, Saintonge, Limousin, and Rouergue to agree to this tax, but the great vassals of the high marches refused, and on 20 June and again on 25 Oct. the Counts of Armagnac, Périgord, and Comminges, and the lord of Albret laid their complaints before the king of France, declaring that he was their lord paramount ( Froissart , i. 548 n., Buchon). Meanwhile the prince's friend Chandos, who strongly urged him against imposing this tax, had retired to his Norman estate.

Charles took advantage of these appeals, and on 25 Jan. 1369 sent messengers to the prince, who was then residing at Bordeaux, summoning him to appear in person before him in Paris and there receive judgment. He replied: 'We will willingly attend at Paris on the day appointed since the king of France sends for us, out it shall be with our helmet on our head and sixty thousand men in our company.' He caused the messengers to be imprisoned, and in revenge for this the Counts of Périgord and Comminges and other lords set on the high-steward of Rouergue, slew many of his men, and put him to flight. The prince sent for Chandos, who came to his help, and some fighting took place, though war was not yet declared. His health was now so feeble that he could not take part in active operations, for he was swollen with dropsy and could not ride. By 18 March more than nine hundred towns, castles, and other places signified in one way or another their adherence to the French cause ( Froissart , vii. Pref. p. lviii). He had already warned his father of the intentions of the French king, but there was evidently a party at Edward's court that was jealous of his power, and his warnings were slighted. In April, however, war was declared. Edward sent the Earls of Cambridge and Pembroke to his assistance, and Sir Robert Knolles, who now again took service with, him, added much to his strength. The war in Aquitaine was desultory, and, though the English maintained their ground fairly in the field, every day that it was prolonged weakened their hold on the country. On 1 Jan. 1370 the prince sustained a heavy loss in the death of his friend Chandos. Several efforts were made by Edward to conciliate the Gascon lords [see under Edward III ], but they were fruitless and can only have served to weaken the prince's authority. It is probable that John of Gaunt was working against him at the English court, and when he was sent out in the summer to help his brother, he came with such extensive powers that he almost seemed as though he had come to supersede him. In the spring Charles raised two large armies for the invasion of Aquitaine one, under the Duke of Anjou, was to enter Guyenne by La Reole and Bergerac, the other, under the Duke of Berry, was to march towards Limousin and Queray, and both were to unite and besiege the prince in Angoulême. Ill as he was, the prince left his bed of sickness ( Chandos , 1. 4043) and gathered an army at Cognac, where he was joined by the Barons of Poitou and Saintonge, and the Earls of Cambridge, Lancaster, and Pembroke. The two French armies gained many cities, united and laid siege to Limoges, which was treacherously surrendered to them by the bishop, who had been one of the prince's trusted friends. When the prince heard of the surrender, he swore 'by the soul of his father' that he would have the place again and would make the inhabitants pay dearly for their treachery. He set out from Cognac with an army of twelve hundred lances, a thousand archers, and three thousand foot. His sickness was so great that he was unable to mount his horse, and was carried in a litter. The success of the French in Aquitaine was checked about this time by the departure of Du Guesclin, who was summoned to the north to stop the ravages of Sir Robert Knolles. Limoges made a gallant defence, and the prince determined to take it by undermining the walls. His mines were constantly countermined by the garrison, and it was not until the end of October, after a month's siege, that his miners succeieded in demolishing a large piece of wall which filled the ditches with its ruins. The prince ordered that no quarter should be given, and a terrible massacre took place ​ of persons of all ranks and ages. Many piteous appeals were made to him for mercy, but he would not hearken, and three thousand men, women, and children are said to have been put to the sword. When the bishop was brought before him, he told him that his head should be cut off, but Lancaster begged him of his brother, and so, while so many innocent persons were slain, the life of the chief offender was spared. The city was pillaged and burnt ( Froissart , i. 620, Buchon Cont. Murimuth , p. 209). The prince returned to Cognac his sickness increased, and he was forced to give up all hope of being able to direct any further operations and to proceed first to Angoulème and then to Bordeaux. The death of his eldest son Edward, which happened at this time, grieved him greatly he became worse, and his surgeon advised him to return to England. He left Aquitaine in charge of Lancaster, landed at Southampton early in January 1371, met his father at Windsor, and put a stop to a treaty the king had made the previous month with Charles of Navarre, for he would not consent to the cession of territory that Charles demanded (Fœdera, iii. 967), and then went to his manor of Berkhampstead, ruined alike in health and in fortune.

On his return to England the prince was probably at once recognised as the natural opponent of the influence exercised by the anti-clerical and Lancastrian party, and it is evident that the clergy trusted him for on 2 May he met the convocation of Canterbury at the Savoy, and persuaded them to make an exceptionally large grant ( Wilkins , Concilia, iii. 91 ). His health now began to improve, and in August 1372 he sailed with his father to the relief of Thouars but the fleet never reached the French coast. On 6 Oct. he resigned the principality of Aquitaine and Gascony, giving as his reason that its revenues were no longer sufficient to cover expenses, and acknowledging his resignation in the parliament of the next month. At the conclusion of this parliament, after the knights had been dismissed, he met the citizens and burgesses 'in a room near the white chamber,' and prevailed on them to extend the customs granted the year before for the protection of merchant shipping for another year (Rot. Parl. ii. 310 Hallam , Const Hist, iii. 47). It is said that after Whitsunday (20 May) 1374 the prince presided at a council of prelates and nobles held at Westminster to answer a demand from Gregory XI for a subsidy to help him against the Florentines. The bishops, after hearing the pope's letter, which asserted his right as lord spiritual, and, by the grant of John, lord in chief, of the kingdom, declared that 'he was lord of all.' The cause of the crown, however, was vigorously maintained, and the prince, provoked at the hesitation of Archbishop Wittlesey, spoke sharply to him, and at last told him that he was an ass. The bishops gave way, and it was declared that John had no power to bring the realm into subjection (Cont. Eulogiim, iii. 337. This story, told at length by the continuator of the 'Eulogium,' presents some difficulties, and the pope's pretension to sovereignty and the answer that was decided on read like echoes of the similar incidents in 1366). The prince's sickness again became very heavy, though when the 'Good parliament' met on 28 April 1376 he was looked upon as the chief support of the commons in their attack on the abuses of the administration, and evidently acted in concert with William of Wykeham in opposing the influence of Lancaster and the disreputable clique of courtiers who upheld it, and he had good cause to fear that his brother's power would prove dangerous to the prospects of his son Richard (Chron. Angliæ, Pref. xxix, pp. 74, 75, 393). Richard Lyons, the king's financial agent, who was impeached for gigantic frauds, sent him a bribe of 1,000eu. and other gifts, but he refused to receive it, though he afterwards said that it was a pity he had not kept it, and sent it to pay the soldiers who were fighting for the kingdom (ib, p. 80). From the time that the parliament met he knew that he was dying, and was much in prayer, and did many good and charitable works. His dysentery became very violent, and he often fainted from weakness, so that his household believed that he was actually dead. Yet he bore all his sufferings patiently, and 'made a very noble end, remembering God his Creator in his heart,' and bidding his people pray for him (ib. p. 88 Chandos , 1. 4133). He gave gifts to all his servants, and took leave of the king his father, asking him three things, that he would confirm his gifts, pay his debts quickly out of his estate, and protect his son Richard. These things the king promised. Then he called his young son to him, and bound him under a curse not to take away the gifts he had bestowed. Shortly before he died Sir Richard Stury, one of the courtiers of Lancaster's party, came to see him. The prince reproached him bitterly for his evil deeds. Then his strength failed. In his last moments he was attended by the Bishop of Bangor, who urged him to ask forgiveness of God and of all those whom he had injured. For a while he would not do this, but at last joined his hands and prayed that God and man would grant him pardon, and so died in ​ his forty-sixth year. His death took place at the palace of Westminster ( Walsingham , i, 321 Froissart , i, 706, Buchonl it is asserted by Caxton, in his continuation of the 'Polychronicon,' cap.8,' that the prince dies at his manor of Kennington and that his body was brought to Westminster) on 8 July, Trinity Sunday, a day he had always kept with special reverence ( Chandos , 1. 4201). He was buried with great state in Canterbury Cathedral on 29 Sept., and the directions contained in his will were followed at his funeral, in the details of his tomb, and in the famous epitaph placed upon it. Above it still hang his surcoat, helmet, shield and gauntlets. He had two sons by his wife Joan Edward, born at Angoulême on 27 July 1364 (Eulogia), 1365 ( Murimuth ), or 1363 ( Froissart ), died immediately before his father's return to England in January 1371, and was buried in the church of the Austin Friars, London ( Weiver , Funeral Monuments, p, 419) and Richard who succeeded his grandfather on the throne and it is said, two bastard sons, Sir John Sounder and Sir Roger Clarendon [q.v]

[Barnes's Hist. of Edward III with that of the Black Prince [see under Edward III ] Collins's Life of Edward, Prince of Wales [see Collins, Arthur ] G. P. R. James's Hist. of the Life of Edward the Black Prince, 1822, eulogistic and wordy, but useful in the edition of 1836 James defends his work from the strictures of the Athenæum Longman's Life and Times of Edward III Murimuth cum cont. Engl. Hist. Soc. T. Walsingham, Eulogium Hist., and Chron. Angliæ (Rolls Ser.) Robert of Avesbury, ed. Hearne Knighton, ed. Twysden Stow's Annales G. le Baker, ed. Giles Sloane MSS. 56 and 335 Archæologia, xxix. xxxi. xxxii. Rolls of Parliament Rymer's Fœdera, Record ed. Jehan le Bel, ed. Polain Froissart, ed. Luce and ed. Buchon Le Prince Noir, poème du Héraut Chandos, ed. Fr. Michel Chronique de Bertrand du Guesclin, Panthéon Litt. Istorie di Matteo Villaui, Muratori, Rerum Ital. ss. xiv. For the battle of Poitiers, Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de l'Ouest, viii. 59, xi. 76. For the Spanish campaign, Lopez de Ayala's Crónicas de los Reyes de Castilla, ed. 1779. For other references see under Edward III , in text of above art., and in the notes of M. Luce's Froissart.]


Royal Burials in the Chapel by location

Princess Charlotte (daughter of George IV) (d.1817)

Princess Amelia, daughter of George III (d.1810)

Princess Augusta, Duchess of Brunswick, sister of George III (d.1813)

Stillborn son of Princess Charlotte(d. 1817)

Princess Charlotte (daughter of George IV) (d.1817)

Queen Charlotte, wife of George III (d.1818)

Prince Edward, Duke of Kent, father of Queen Victoria (d.1820)

Prince Alfred, son of George III (d.1782, placed in vault 1820)

Prince Octavius, son of George III (d.1783, placed in vault 1820)

Princess Elizabeth, daughter of William IV (d.1821)

Prince Frederick, Duke of York (d.1827)

Still-born daughter of Prince Ernest Augustus, son of George III (d.1818)

Princess Sophia, daughter of George III (d.1840)

Queen Adelaide, wife of William IV (d.1849)

Prince Frederick of Schleswig-Holstein, son of Princess Christian (d.1876)

King George V of Hanover (d.1878)

Victoria von Pawel Rammingen, daughter of Princess Frederica of Hanover (d.1881)

Princess Mary Adelaide, Duchess of Teck, mother of Queen Mary (d.1897)

Prince Francis, Duke of Teck, father of Queen Mary (d.1900)

Princess Frederika of Hanover (d.1926)

Prince Adolphus, Duke of Cambridge, grandfather of Queen Mary (d.1850, placed in vault 1930)

Princess Augusta, Duchess of Cambridge, grandmother of Queen Mary (d.1889, placed in vault 1930)

HRH Prince Philip, The Duke of Edinburgh (d. 2021)

North Quire Aisle:

Queen Elizabeth Woodville (d. 1492)

Princess Louise, Duchess of Saxe-Weimar, niece of Queen Adelaide (d.1832)

King George VI Memorial Chapel:

King George VI (d.1952, buried in chapel 1969)

Princess Margaret, Countess of Snowdon (d.2002) (ashes)

South Quire Aisle:

King Henry VI (d.1471)


The Black Prince

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Although he has no connection with the city, Edward, The Black Prince sits in the city center of Leeds. A large bronze statue captures the war hero and eldest son of Edward III. Sculpted by artist Thomas Brook, Edward of Woodstock was named the Black Prince after his death, due to the color of much of his armor.

The statue took seven years to complete and was forged in Belgium as there was no forge in Britain large enough to aid in its completion. On its return, the statue was towed into Leeds aboard a barge on the canal. It was unveiled on September 16, 1903, and has been located in City Square ever since. On horseback, Edward is portrayed in a heroic battle pose and sits on a plinth adorned with lion heads.

He’s flanked in the square by eight lamp bearers, who represent different times of the day. Designed by Sir Alfred Drury, they were created to mark Leeds’ new city status. They caused a bit of controversy when first created due to how the women were portrayed.

Know Before You Go

Right in the heart of the city, it’s best to park in one of the City Centre car parks, and explore the square on foot.


Canterbury Cathedral

Canterbury’s transformation from village to proper city happened during the Roman era when in 55 BC Julius Caesar decided to make the city a commercial forum.

The county was firstly conquered by the Jutes, and subsequently by the Angles and Saxons. Kent became a Saxon kingdom at the end of the VI century. Even Canterbury, the main town in Kent (and one of the few Roman cities that was not abandoned following the invasions), had been assigned a Saxon name that is still preserved: Cantwarabyrig, ‘the city of the men of Kent’.

At that time, England was still predominantly pagan. The evangelisation of the country began in Canterbury, and since that moment, the city has become the spiritual capital of the island.

This had been the primary objective of the Church of Rome and, later, also that of England.

In 597, the monk Augustine landed on the coast of Kent, sent by Pope Gregory I to convert the Saxons. He was amicably received by King Aethelbert, still a pagan, although married to a princess of the Franks of the Christian religion, Bertha. On a hill, outside the Roman city walls, the queen had founded a church dedicated to St. Martin, which still exists and is considered the oldest consecrated church in England.

Shortly afterward, the king and his subjects converted to Christianity. Augustine, who had already founded a monastery, then decided to build a larger church within the city walls. The Pope gave this church the status of a cathedral, so Canterbury became the first episcopal seat of England, and the monk Augustine was its his first bishop.

At the end of the VII century, the city was recognised as the primatial seat of England. The monastery of Augustine disappeared during the Viking invasions, which devastated England in the IX and X centuries. It was rebuilt in 978 by Archbishop Dunstan, who consecrated it to its founder, who, in the meantime, had been canonised by the Church.

The cathedral was also rebuilt on two occasions: after the Danish attack of 1013 and after the Norman conquest of 1066.

In 1067, the first cathedral was destroyed by flames and later, it was enlarged by William the Conqueror (1070-1077).

In 1174, a fire almost completely destroyed the cathedral. The French architect William of Sens took care of its reconstruction, having decided to entirely rebuild the building in the Gothic style (already dominant in France).

Thus, Canterbury had the first Gothic cathedral in England, a splendid building with a double cross plan and three naves, especially notable for its length: 168 meters. This side of the cathedral also preserves the only original stained-glass windows, which survived the iconoclasm of the Anglican reform and the bombings of the Second World War.

The building was expanded more and more, year after year, thus creating the famous Canterbury Cathedral.

Canterbury Cathedral is famous because of a murder that took place within that building: Thomas Becket, the archbishop, and the former chancellor was assassinated by the king’s men due to a conspiracy. In fact, Becket refused to accept the Constitutions of Calderon in which ecclesiastical power was limited. Initially, Becket was a close friend of King Henry II before becoming archbishop. He was exiled in France for 6 years after a conflict with the sovereign. Upon his return, in the year 1170, the tensions resurfaced and it is said that the King exclaimed publicly: “Will no one rid me of this turbulent priest?”. Four knights decided to support the king and left for Canterbury. On the evening of December 29, the knights followed Becket inside the Cathedral and killed him, in a place today called ‘The Martyrdom’. Until 1220, the remains and the tomb of Becket were on the east side of the Crypt, and only two days after his killing, pilgrims began to arrive in large number at the Cathedral, especially when the legends of various miracles were spread. Thomas was canonised in 1173. In 1220, the tomb of the saint was transferred in the new Trinity Chapel, created specifically for Becket: he remained there until 1538. The assassination of Archbishop Thomas Becket made the Cathedral one of the top pilgrimage destinations in Europe. The assassination was recalled by the playwright Thomas Stearns Eliot in his theatrical masterpiece Murder in the Cathedral.

In 1540, monasteries were dissolved the king removed the Prior and the monks. Monasteries were dissolved because of an ideological conflict between the Pope and Henry VIII: in fact, the king desired to break the sacred bond of Christian marriage in order to attain divorce from his consort Catherine of Aragon and marry Anne Boleyn. This conflict culminated in England’s separation from the Church of Rome. Such break may have also been inspired by the Evangelical Reformation which was spreading across Europe during those years.

One of the most famous tomb within the Cathedral is that of Edward the Black Prince, eldest son of King Edward III. He was young when he died, and therefore never managed to succeed his father on the throne. However, Edward was a brave and daring fighter in the wars against France. It is said that the French coined the nickname ‘Black Prince’ due to the fear he inspired in his enemies and his indomitable ardor in battle.

When he died, Edward asked to be buried in the Crypt.

In front of the tomb of the Black Prince other two royal figures are buried: King Henry IV and his Queen, Joan of Navarre.

Architecture

The Cathedral can be considered the result of the fusion between two architectural styles: the French – Norman style (in the eastern side of the Cathedral a Romanesque style prevails with blind arches and rough surfaces) and the English style (in the western side of the cathedral the Gothic style is characterised by numerous pointed arches and pinnacles).

The Cathedral of Canterbury is the first important example of English Gothic architecture, which is evident in the construction of the choir, the nave, the triforium, and the clerestory.

The Cathedral is built in Caen stone (i.e. a stone mined in north-western France, near the city of Caen), which gives the building a creamy-yellowish colour. A large staircase unites the eastern and western side of the church.

The Canterbury Tales

The pilgrimages to the tomb of Thomas Becket brought great prosperity to the city and its cathedral for centuries. The incredibly famous Canterbury Tales, written in the XIV century by Geoffrey Chaucer, narrate the journey of a group of pilgrims from London to the sanctuary of Thomas Becket.

In the mid-XVI century, the religious reform of Henry VIII, which involved the abolition of religious orders and the cult of saints, ended this prosperity and reduced the importance of Canterbury.

Not even the cathedral was able to escape the change: the anti-papal uprisings, especially during the English revolution of the XVII century, caused the destruction of sacred images, stained glass windows, and tombs, including that of St. Thomas Becket. The Anglican reform also implied the closure of the abbey of St. Augustine. Most of the abbey buildings were abandoned and today they are in ruins. The cloister and the chapter house still exist and they were integrated into Saint Augustine’s College, founded after the reform.

Bibliografia

[1.] Dudley, C. J. (2010). Canterbury Cathedral: Aspects of Its Sacramental Geometry. Xlibris Corporation.

[2.] Farmer, D. H. (1992). The Oxford Dictionary of Saints (3rd ed.). Oxford University Press.

[3.] Foyle, J. (2013). The Architecture of Canterbury Cathedral. Scala Arts and Heritage Publishers.


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